In his daring expose of the Zionists’ near-absolute control over US Middle East policy, Findley — who served for 22 years as Republican congressman from Illinois — shines a light on the Zionist rot that goes well beyond the vaunted “Lobby.”
A true American patriot, Findley describes the Jewish choke-hold on US decision-making — the mere mention of which can lead to “career suicide” — and recounts how Israel’s critics in Washington have been harassed, intimidated and ultimately removed from public office by the Zionist political machine.
Beginning his career in the 1960s with a good deal of sympathy for the self-proclaimed Jewish state, Findley — a relatively naive young congressman — soon began to “doubt the wisdom of United States policy in the Middle East.” By the early 1970s, he realized that US policy was particularly flawed in regards to the perennial Israel-Palestine conflict, and that Washington’s overwhelming bias towards Israel was deeply detrimental to America’s best interest.
For example, Findley soon discovered — to his shock and surprise — that powerful pro-Israel forces in Washington were deliberately derailing efforts aimed at achieving peace in the Middle East. Although Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat was more than ready to come to terms with Israel by the late 1970s, Findley writes how representatives of the US government — including himself — were barred from talking to Arafat or to members of his Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO).
“Our unwillingness to talk directly to the political leadership of the Palestinians… handicapped our search for peace,” Findley writes (p. 11). “Why not talk directly to PLO Chairman Yasser Arafat, the acknowledged political voice of the Palestinians? One reason, I discovered, was that Henry Kissinger…had, yielding to an Israeli request, agreed not to communicate formally with the PLO until they recognized the right of Israel to exist — a tough demand, especially in light of Israel’s flat refusal to accept a new Palestinian state as its neighbor!”
As a result of Findley’s own efforts to hold talks with Arafat and other Palestinian moderates, he was soon tarred as a “practicing anti-Semite” by his detractors. Who knows? Had these and other peace efforts been allowed to proceed, the Arab-Israeli conflict might have been resolved decades ago.
Findley also became critical of the shocking amounts of annual US financial and military aid to Israel, which accounted at the time for some 43 percent of the entire budget for all US financial assistance worldwide. In his book, he chronicles how, time after time, all efforts to reduce financial aid to Israel — or make it contingent upon acceptable behavior vis-à-vis the Palestinians — were thwarted by Zionist political agents in the Senate and Congress.
“While the lobby is watchful over the full membership of the House, …it gives special emphasis to the members of the Foreign Affairs Committee, where the initial decisions are made on aid, both military and economic,” Findley writes (p. 67). “Under the watchful eye of Israel’s lobby, congressmen will go to extreme measures to help move legislation providing aid to Israel,” he writes (p. 78).
Findley recalls how in 1973 Senator J. William Fulbright of Arkansas, appearing on CBS television’s “Face the Nation,” declared that the US Senate was “subservient” to Israeli policies inimical to American interests. “Israel controls the Senate,” Fulbright stated (p.95), going on to warn, “We should be more concerned about the United States’ interests.”
Findley also quotes Senator James G. Abourezk (p. 99) as telling reporters in 1977: “As a US senator, I have sworn to uphold the government of the United States, but I never dreamed that I would be required to swear allegiance to any other government.” Abourezk went on to warn of the Zionist lobby’s “extraordinary influence,” saying that the US “is likely to become, if it has not already, a captive of its client state.”
In 1982, Findley goes on to write, Senator Adlai Stevenson III of Illinois proposed an amendment withholding $150 million of the $2.18 billion in annual US financial aid to Israel. “This preference for Israel diverts funds from the support of human life and vital American interests elsewhere in an interdependent and unstable world,” Stevenson is quoted as saying in defense of the amendment (p. 88). “It reflects continued US acquiescence in an Israeli policy which threatens more Middle East instability, more Israeli insecurity, and a continued decline of US authority in the world.”
How right he was. But despite this sound judgment, Stevenson’s proposal — like so many before and since — was overwhelmingly defeated by the Israel-firsters in control of the senate.
For his commitment to America’s interests, Stevenson was treated to a smear campaign by the Zionist-manipulated media. “It’s not only the intimidation of the American politician, it’s also the intimidation of some American journalists,” Stevenson is quoted as saying (p. 89), in reference to Zionist influence on the so-called “mainstream” media. “If it’s not the journalists, then it’s the editors and perhaps more so the publishers,” he stated.
Interestingly, Stevenson’s subsequent bid to become governor of Illinois was thwarted by a series of irregularities that Time magazine described as “so improbable, so coincidental, so questionable that it could have happened only in Wonderland or the Windy City” (p. 91). A request by Stevenson for a recount was later denied by the Illinois Supreme Court.
Findley also writes how US aid to Israel was allowed to go towards financing Israeli industries, which — in some cases, such as fighter aircraft — directly competed with US industrial exports. He writes that, in 1983, Congress passed a resolution authorizing “a remarkable new form of aid to Israel”:
“It included an amendment crafted by AIPAC… that permitted $250 million of the military grant aid to be spent in Israel on the development of a new Israeli fighter aircraft, the Lavi. The new fighter would compete for international sales with the Northrop F-20 and the General Dynamics F-16 — both specifically designed for export… The amendment authorized privileged treatment Uncle Sam had never before extended to a foreign competitor. It was extraordinary for another reason: it set aside a US law that requires that all foreign aid procurement funds be spent in the United States (p. 80).”
Unsurprisingly, the resolution was easily passed by the Israel-firsters in Congress — despite warnings by Congressman Nick J. Rahall of West Virginia that “approximately 6,000 jobs would be lost as a direct result of taking the $250 million out of the US economy and allowing Israel to spend it on defense articles… that can just as easily be purchased here in the United States.”
Findley’s words on the enormous amount of US financial assistance to Israel, and the host of additional perks extended to the Hebrew state by Washington, still apply today: “Aid to Israel — despite US budget problems and Israel’s defiant behavior toward the United States in its use of US-supplied weapons and its construction of settlements on occupied territory — is still rising with no peak in sight.”
Since 1985, annual US financial aid to Israel has continued to run at about $3 billion a year. Findley goes on to point out that no US president since Eisenhower has been able to stand up to the Israel lobby, which has consistently foiled attempts by the White House to forge intelligent, even-handed Middle East policy:
“[US President Gerald] Ford, dissatisfied with Israeli behavior, had just issued a statement calling for a ‘reappraisal’ of US policies in the Middle East,” Findley writes (p. 101). “Ford wanted better cooperation in reaching a compromise with Arab interests, and ‘reappraisal’ meant suspension of US aid until Israel improved its behavior. It was a historic proposal, the first time since Eisenhower that a US president even hinted publicly that he might suspend aid to Israel.”
“Israel’s response came, not from its own capital, but from the United States Senate,” he continues. “Instead of relying on a direct protest to the White House, Jerusalem activated its lobby in the United States, which, in turn, signed up as supporters of Israel’s position more than three-fourths of the members of the US Senate.”
“A more devastating — and intimidating — response could scarcely be conceived,” states Findley. “The 76 signatures effectively told Ford he could not carry out his threatened ‘reappraisal.’ Israel’s loyalists in the senate — democrats and republicans alike — were sufficient in number to reject any legislative proposal hostile to Israel that Ford might make, and perhaps even enact a pro-Israeli piece of legislation over a presidential veto.”
Findley goes on to recall how former president Richard Nixon “privately criticized Israel for failing to cooperate in a comprehensive settlement of issues with its Arab neighbors”:
“On several occasions, he [Nixon] ordered Henry Kissinger, national security advisor and later secretary of state, to suspend aid to Israel until it became more cooperative,” he writes (p. 122). “Three days before he resigned the presidency, Nixon instructed Kissinger to disapprove an Israeli request for long-term military assistance.”
But according to Findley, Kissinger — that unelected Jewish architect of US Cold War strategy — never carried out the order.
The book also reveals the extent of Israeli espionage on the United States — a long-standing phenomenon well-known in US intelligence circles.
“For years, Israel has been able to learn virtually every secret about US foreign policy in the Middle East,” Findley writes (p. 338). He quotes Washington Post reporter Charles Babcock as saying: “This remarkable intelligence harvest is provided largely not by paid agents, but by an unofficial network of sympathetic American officials who work in the Pentagon, State Department, congressional offices, the National Security Council and even the US intelligence agencies.”
“The [intelligence] leaks to Israel are fantastic,” according to a veteran US ambassador quoted in the book (p. 139). “If I have something I want the secretary of state to know, but don’t want Israel to know, I must wait until I have a chance to see him personally.” He adds: “It is a fact of life that everyone in authority is reluctant to put anything on paper that concerns Israel if it is to be withheld from Israel’s knowledge. Nor do such people even feel free to speak in a crowded room of such things.”
Findley goes on to quote an unnamed official as saying: “Israelis were caught in the Pentagon with unauthorized documents, sometimes scooping up the contents of in-boxes on desk tops (p. 142).”
Remarkably, several of the US officials with long-standing connections to Israeli espionage activities — such as Richard Perle and Richard Armitage — continue to play major roles in the current Bush administration.
These are only a few examples of the many instances of Zionist political control and manipulation presented in Findley’s courageous book. “They Dare to Speak Out” also contains interesting material on Zionist intimidation tactics and the “anti-Semite” libel; the Zionist threat to academic freedom; Israel’s dastardly attack on the USS Liberty in 1967 and the subsequent cover-up; and Zionist manipulation of America’s so-called “Christian right.”
If every American read this book when it was first published in 1985, the US political landscape would probably be considerably different today. As former chairman of the joint chiefs of staff Admiral Thomas Moorer is quoted as saying (p. 161), “If the American people understood what a grip those people have got on our government, they would rise up in arms.”
Unfortunately, “They Dare to Speak Out” does not appear to be available in PDF format. It can be purchased from a number of online new and used book retailers, however, including Amazon.com, at www.amazon.com/They-Dare-Speak-Out-Institutions/dp/1556520735.
Paul Findley, meanwhile, is still fighting the good fight. He is currently head and founder of the Council for the National Interest (CNI), which, according to its mission statement, strives to “repair the damage being done to our political institutions by the over-zealous tactics of Israel’s lobby.” The CNI’s website can be found at: http://www.cnionline.org.